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THE 



Political Condition 



OF 



JAPAN : 



SHOWING THE DESPOTISM AND INCOMPETENCY OF TH:E CABINET 
AND THE AIMS OF THE POPULAR PARTIES. 



BY 



XA-rUI BAB A. z'^'" op''vViG°H?'^V 



OCT 221888_ j / 



'^^^.^v.. /. ''' 



' Tanomu. tolcoro -wa tenlca no yoron, 
Ivlezasti-u. kataki "wa tsogiyaku. seifu." 



PHILADELPHIA, 

1888. 



^%^- 



Since Japan was opened to foreign intercourse in 1854, much 
has been written about our country by Europeans who have 
resided there. Their information seems generally, if not always, 
derived from one of two sources — Japanese of the official, or else 
of the lower and ignorant class ; but these are not reliable sources 
with respect to public matters in Japan. In political affairs, for 
instance, the lower class can scarcely give any correct information, 
and the officials are bound by their interests to give the most 
favorable information of the government under which they are 
employed. The present Cabinet Ministers are very strict, and 
often very suspicious about the opinions which their subordinates 
express concerning political affairs. There have been several 
cases in which men were dismissed from government employment 
owing to their private friendship with men of the liberal party. 
Thus, foreigners can seldom, if ever, gain a correct insight into 
the character and sentiment of the Japanese people as regards 
politics. Foreigners must seek the intelligent and educated 
Japanese whose interests are entirely united with the people 
of Japan. I submit that the European nations ought to seek 
intercourse with the people of Japan, rather than with their 
government; but for this it is necessary to understand the his- 
tory of political changes in the Japanese nation. With this 
aim I propose to give an outline sketch of affairs in Japan dur- 
ing the last sixteen years. Never having held office under the 
present government, I can speak correctly and impartially on 
behalf of the Japanese people. 

The cival war for the restoration of the Mikado to his legiti-, 
mate throne ended in 1870, and each Daimio received his 
reward in elevation of rank and increase of income. But those 
who accomplished the work of restoration were compelled to 

3 



recognize the necessity of abolishing the feudal system. This 
abolition was peacefully achieved, but those who brought it 
about acted from very different motives, and perhaps did not 
quite foresee the practical results. The members of the Cabinet 
became divided. Several minor differences existed among the 
officials, but the main difficulty was that one party desired to 
enter upon fresh work, while another sought to finish what had 
been already begun, without undertaking anything further. 
The enterprising and more adventurous party was represented 
by Saigo, one of the greatest warriors Japan has ever produced, 
and the opposite party by Okubo. Each had his followers, but 
Okubo was better adapted for the new condition of affairs. 

These two men may be compared to an adventurous husband 
and a prudent wife who have recently entered into the posses- 
sion of uncultivated land, and converted a portion of it into 
profitable property through their efforts. The husband, after 
surveying his possession, says : " We must have more ground. 
Let us cut down more trees, throw away those stones, and ex- 
tend our borders." His prudent wife says : " No, let us make 
a fence around our ground, make our garden look nice, bring 
pebbles, and plant flowers." In this kind of contest, the pru- 
dent wife is generally successful. She is bound to do every- 
thing to promote domestic peace. 

Saigo was the adventurous husband, and Okubo was the pru- 
dent wife who endeavored to promote the internal peace of 
Japan at any cost. Saigo resigned his position as the com- 
mander of the Japanese army and retired to his country home 
in the province of Satuma. 

From this time up to 1877, the discontented party, more or 
less allied to Saigo, stirred up civil dissension ; yet none of them 
succeeded in overthrowing the government of Okubo. Mean- 
while Saigo had been educating his pupils. The time at last 
came that the two leaders had to measure their strength against 
each other. Saigo collected nearly thirty thousand men, con- 
sisting mostly of Satuma people, and suddenly marched toward 
the capital. He besieged the Castle of Kumamoto. The 
obstinate defenders of Kumamoto refused to surrender. Okubo 



being informed of the affair sent soldiers trained in European 
discipline and provided with the best European arms. They 
amounted to about sixty thousand men. It must be said, con- 
sidering all the disadvantages against which Saigo and his fol- 
lowers had to contend, that they proved themselves men of mili- 
tary genius. Again and again the government army was defeated, 
but at last Saigo's ammunition was exhausted ; he fought his 
last battle in Siroyama, in his native province, and died on the 
field. This was in the tenth year of Meiji or A. D. 1877. 
Okubo had now undisputed power in the government of Japan, 
but he did not enjoy his supreme position much longer. In 
1878 he was' assassinated by Simada Ichiro in Tokio. This 
threw the Japanese Cabinet in a state of chaos. While Okubo 
lived, he had unlimited sway over his colleagues ; that is, there 
was a wide gulf between him and other Ministers both in per- 
sonal authority and in strength of will. All the other Ministers 
were mere secretaries, or they might be better described as 
servants of his will. Now this absolute and central head was 
suddenly cut off. There was no leader who could give united 
action to the schemes of the government. This weak govern- 
ment was carried on by conferences and negotiations between 
different Ministers. The result was that there were no settled 
principles in its policy. Everything was done by a temporary 
compromise between the different Ministers. Such was and still 
is the state of government of Japan. 

Meanwhile the popular movement was going on side by side 
with the political changes in the government. About the year 
1874, several newspapers sprang up and began to discuss polit- 
ical and social questions in Japan. Students returned from 
Europe and America and began to form societies. I may men- 
tion one society in particular which gave many social and scien- 
tific benefits to Japan, until reduced to nothing through govern- 
ment interference. It was called Kioson Doshu, or " the society 
for social intercourse." It was originally formed by some Jap- 
anese who were studying in London in 1873. Some of the 
members of this society, having returned to Japan in 1874, 
formed a society similar to that which was established in Lon- 



6 

don. They used to meet monthly to discuss the subjects of 
political and social reform in Japan. In 1878, this social or 
popular movement became more active. Public speeches were 
delivered and pamphlets published. Frequent meetings Avere 
held and every favorable sign of progress was seen in these 
social phenomena. But the Japanese government began to per- 
ceive that if the popular movement was allowed to go on, the 
acts of their policy would be freely criticised by the people. 
Then they resorted to a course which was intended to discour- 
age these enterprises. The newspapers were the first to meet 
with a check. Press laws and newspaper regulations were made 
and writers were imprisoned for a year or even three years for 
very slight oifenses. But the government was comparatively 
careless as to the meetings and public speeches, because these 
were not at first as influential as the newspapers. 

The police were given authority in 1879 to enter any meeting 
for public lectures. They always came by twos, even to listen to 
lectures on scientific subjects M'hich they could ijot possibly 
understand, for the lecturers were usually men of good education, 
who had spent years studying in European schools or univer- 
sities. 

The second step taken by the government for the suppression 
of liberty of speech was a private circular issued by the head of 
each department to his subordinates, prohibiting all who 
received government salaries from making any public speech or 
attending any meeting of a political or scientific character. This 
frightened some prominent members of the society who were 
government employees. The Kioson Doshu consisted of more 
than a hundred members, but according to this regulation very 
few could make public speeches. I being one who was not thus 
debarred from making public speeches, the whole task of keep- 
ing up public lectures fell upon myself. The government, not 
satisfied with this measure, issued other regulations about public 
meetings in 1880. 

The first clause of these regulations says that those who hold 
any public meeting concerning politics, must obtain permission 
from the police station of the district, after placing in the office 



outlines of the speeches, names of the speakers, and the officers 
and date of the meeting* 

The second provides that every society connected with polit- 
ical subjects must obtain the permission at the police station for 
its organization. 

The fourth provides that, if it be presumed by the police 
authority that the subject of speech, or the society in question is 
injurious to the peace of the country, the permission shall not 
be given. 

Fifth. — Policemen in their official dress will appear at every 
meeting. 

Sixth. — If speeches pass beyond the subject already set forth 
in writing before the police authority, or if it is presumed by 
the police that a speech is injurious to the public peace, the 
speaker will be forbidden from going on with his speech, and 
the meeting dissolved. 

Eighth. — No one shall advertise the subject of a speech con- 
cerning politics, or send out agents, or publish anything in 
printing or writing for the purpose of attracting the notice of 
the public. Two or more societies are not allowed to correspond 
with each other. 

Ninth. — Open air meetings shall not be permitted. All 
offenders are punished with fines varying from two dollars to 
one hundred dollars, and imprisonment with hard labor from 
two months to two years. The speaker whose speech is de- 
clared by the police to be injurious to the peace of the country is 
forbidden to make any speech from six months to a year. 

Now, the regulations themselves are absurd and utterly un- 
just ; but if their interpretation had been more reasonable the in- 
j ury might have been less. The general principle of interpretation 
would be to put the narrowest signification upon terms, so as not 
to include all the cases which might be brought under the regu- 
lations. But it is entirely otherwise. The widest signification 
is given, so as to include every possible case. For instance, the 
word " politics " in the first clause is construed in practical appli- 
cation to mean all matters relating to government in all nations 
and in all ages. Thus, if a speech is made on the subject of 



Greek or Horaan government two thousand years ago, the Jap- 
anese government consider it a political speech. Sometimes 
a lecture, although simply on a scientific subject, has been 
considered a political speech — as well as lectures on history^ 
commercial business, and all subjects relating to laws of all 
countries — and the lecture accordingly treated as such. In the 
same clause the words " public meetings " were construed by a 
Frenchman, employed under the Japanese government, to mean 
any meeting held by more than two persons. Thus, the French- 
man, who knew well how to construe this kind of regulation^ 
made away with the distinction between private and public 
meetings, and gave the police unlimited authority even to vio- 
late the freedom of a private citizen. According to the first 
clause, the outline of a political speech must be submitted to 
the police of the district, who will decide whether the speech is 
injurious to the peace of the nation or not. But who are these 
police ? They are men of very imperfect education, receiving a 
salary of eight or ten dollars a month. They can scarcely un- 
derstand the duty they are called upon to discharge. The re- 
sult is a ridiculous one : they put their own interpretation on 
the subject and try to prevent any public speech at all. So it 
is with the fourth and sixth clauses. Policemen reject applica- 
tion for permission to hold public meetings, and forbid speakers 
to continue their speeches, simply from the want of understand- 
ing. Often the speaker is punished by being deprived of liberty 
of speech for six months or a year. I myself incurred the pen- 
alty under this clause, and was deprived of my liberty of speech 
for six months, only for saying, " No despotic government exists 
long. The French government under Louis XVI was a des- 
potic government, and therefore came to an unfortunate end." 
This seems to be a self-evident truth which any rational man 
ought to admit. But the policemen thought my speech to be 
against the public peace, and the meeting was dissolved. The 
present Japanese government is desirous to make any change in 
outward appearance, that it thinks will win the confidence of 
European powers. But I do not think any civilized government 
will place much confidence in a government which shows such a 



9 

want of appreciation of these most important means for improv- 
ing the mass of the people — the right of public assembly and free 
speech. Again, while speaking in Yokohama of the general 
condition of trade in Japan^ my speech was stopped and the 
meeting was dissolved by policemen because I said that many 
people are starving in that city through the depression of trade, 
owing to the interference of the government in the matter of 
commerce, and by cutting off suddenly the currency of the 
country. Such was a simple fact as regards the Japanese trade3 
but the police thought that no one ought to criticise the finan- 
cial policy of the government. Many speakers suffer the pen- 
alty in like manner. 

A meeting is not allowed by the police authority if a 
speaker intends to use the word " despotic" in his speech. On 
these questions, too much authority is given to the ignorant 
police, who are ready to show their power whenever an oppor- 
tunity presents itself. Even when a slight joke is made upon 
them by the people, the offenders are punished as in the case of 
" contempt of officials." Once a large crowd was assembling 
in a village fair in the northeastern province of Japan, three 
policemen came there and one of the village girls said, " There 
are three pieces of policemen " or " Zhunsa ga sau biki." She 
was put into prison for one year. In another district a woman 
. sang a song " Shall I kill myself or shall I become a policeman ?" 
or " Shinde simaoka zhunsa ni naroka." She was arrested and 
punished with six months' imprisonment for " contempt of 
officials." 

Though they assume so much authority over the Japanese 
men and women, yet they proved most cowardly when some 
Chinese sailors recently committed outrages in Nagasaki. The 
sailors belonging to a Chinese man-of-war landed on Nagasaki, 
and, being drunk, assaulted peaceful citizens and destroyed some 
shops. The Japanese police being informed of this affair went 
quietly to remonsti'oie, but the Chinese sailors struck the Japanese 
policemen with pieces of melons which they had half eaten. 
Yet the police could not arrest them, but quietly submitted to 
the insult. Eventually one of them was wounded by the 



10 

Chinese sailors, but even then the policemen could not arrest 
the sailors without the aid of the Japanese Zinrikisha men. 

As to the newspapers, the regulations are still more strict 
and applied without any regard to circumstances. Certain 
officials are appointed in each department to read all the news- 
papers published in Japan. Whenever they find anything 
about the government, they try to find some reason to bring 
criminal action against the paper. They look through all the 
accounts, leading articles, and even advertisements. The editors 
incur severe penalties even if they allude to criticisms of the 
Japanese government or of one of its departments. One of the 
leading papers in Tokio, of which I was the editor at the time, 
published a letter of complaint to the eflfect that many letters 
were lost, or miscarried by the post-office and did not arrive at 
their destination. This was perfectly true. But the newspaper 
was suspended for one week and the writer of the letter was 
punished with fine and imprisonment with hard labor. It does 
not matter to the Japanese government whether anything said 
in the Japanese newspapers is true or false. If it is said in the 
way of criticism, it gives the ground for criminal action. Another 
newspaper was suspended for several weeks, and the editor 
punished with fine and imprisonment with hard labor, because 
of an advertisement. Some students asked the paper to insert 
an advertisement to the effect that a society of political reformers 
was to meet on a certain day. This was considered by the 
Japanese government to mean the meeting of rebels, and the 
issue of the newspaper was suspended. The present Cabinet 
uses two methods of suppressing the newspapers, one direct and 
the other indirect. The direct way of suppressing them is to 
issue a warrant against the editor and proprietor, and to arrest 
them, at the same time confiscating the printing machinery. The 
indirect way is to suspend the issue of the paper, frequently for 
a week or two at a time, and send the editor and proprietor into 
a prison from one to three years. By this means, the proprietor 
is financially ruined and the newspaper finally brought to an 
end. This indirect mode is more frequently resorted to, and 
appears to be looked upon with greater favor in the Japanese 



11 

official circle as a slow but sure method of suppressing the news- 
papers. But at present all the Japanese newspapers put on the 
paper the names of some poor men as the editors and proprietors. 
Whenever they are punished, the real editors and proprietors 
are always safe. The Japanese government is satisfied with 
sending some poor struggling student to prison as the editor 
of the paper. 

In spite of these difficulties and obstacles the Japanese people 
continued organizing themselves with the object of propagating 
liberal ideas. Political speeches were delivered in all parts of 
Japan. I myself went to the northeastern provinces, such as 
Shinshu, Yarnagata, Yechigo, and others. People began to 
attend the meetings in thousands, and I often spoke in meetings 
consisting of two or three thousand people. Every sign of the 
powerful popular movement was shown in these meetings. 

At last the liberal party was formed in Tokio in 1881. 
Two principal papers became its organs, and very important 
questions were brought forward. The present Cabinet, seeing 
the pressure of popular influence, advised the Mikado to make 
a promise to establish a representative assembly in 1890. Thus 
everything was going on favorably for this popular movement. 
But one serious mistake which we made in this movement was 
the election of a leader who was utterly incapable of the man- 
agement of a political party. As subsequent events proved, he 
was a man of very imperfect abilities, who could be governed by 
any influence, and whose temper was as fickle as the wind. But 
why was he elected to such a responsible position as this? The 
reason was that he was one of the Cabinet Ministers in the gov- 
ernment some years before and resigned his position, having 
quarreled with the rest of the Ministers. Having been converted 
into a liberal politician, he was supposed by some a proper person 
to lead the new movement. The event proved the contrary. 
When the party was formed, newspapers established, and every- 
thing ready for active movements, Itagaki Taisuke, the newly 
elected leader, suddenly announced through one of his friends 
that he must leave Japan at once and go to Europe for a year. 
Every reasonable persuasion was used to have him remain in 



12 

the country, but he quarreled with everybody. At last he left 
Japan in disregard of the unanimous opinion of the Committee 
of the party, which, without a head, fell into a fearful state, 
utterly disorganized. It is now believed by the most of the 
prominent people in Japan, that the government, alarmed at the 
popular movement, bought off Itagaki, giving him money and 
sending him to Europe. His strange conduct at the time and 
every other circumstance justify this belief. When he came back 
from Europe, after a year's absence, he could do nothing, and 
departed in a great hurry to his country home, about three hun^ 
dred miles from the capital. Intelligent members of the party, 
seeing it impossible to reorganize, separated themselves and 
formed an independent party. Since that time other political 
parties were formed, so that now three political parties oppose 
the Japanese government and are fighting very successfully for 
the cause of the Japanese people. There is every prospect that 
the younger men will carry on this popular movement and ac- 
complish the work so necessary for the welfare of the Japanese 
people. 

But what is the method by which the Japanese government 
attempts to meet the demands of the progressive society ? No 
one can understand the principle which guides the policy of the 
present Cabinet. But it may be asked whether there is any 
principle at all. In fact, the policy is not guided by anything 
consistent. The index is neither the sentiment nor the necessity 
of the people. It is not even the majority of officers that de- 
cides the measures of government. They are decided only by 
the temporary convenience of certain officials who are highest in 
authority at the time. Looking at the measures carried out by 
the Japanese government for one year, or even a month, every 
inconsistency is found. Nobody can foretell what the govern- 
ment i.'^ going to do. Sometimes a most unexpected measure is 
carried out, disturbing every arrangement of personal and pri- 
vate property. No one is safe under the present government. 
Sometimes it appears to be actuated by extraordinary and radical 
principles, and sometimes by principles of despotic government. 
Sometimes two factions appear fighting against each other. What 



13 

» 

is permitted, or even favored and encouraged by one, is often 
prohibited and destroyed by the other. For instance, the Min- 
ister of Foreign Affairs is advocating some changes, not only in 
political, but also in every detail of private affairs, but on the 
other hand the Commissioner of the Police is carrying out the 
most cruel laws of prison discipline, unparalleled in the history 
of any civilized country. "While young officials and their wives 
are dancing the modern waltz, utter disregard is shown to the 
rights and liberties of the people. Thus there are no consistent 
principles and no united action in the present Cabinet. Each 
department is acting independently of the other. The present 
Cabinet may be compared to a headless centipede whose numer- 
ous feet move in all sorts of ways. 

Yet the Japanese government thinks to win the confidence of 
all the European governments by introducing superficial 
changes. They think the foreign representatives are foolish 
enough to make important concessions in revising treaties, if 
they are continually invited to the Japanese public receptions 
and allowed to dance with Japanese women. 

While this kind of thing is done by the Japanese govern- 
ment let us look at the Japanese prisons, where many patriotic 
Japanese are dying. 

Within these prisons there is no suitable place for the pris- 
oners to sleep. They try to sleep, heaped up one over the other. 
' Many become ill, and the most of them die. Their food con- 
sists of a mixture of rice and oats, about a quarter of a pound, 
served sometimes with three pieces of pickle, or with boiled 
vegetables. Although they are given a meal three times a day, 
the quantity is so small that the prisoners become as thin as 
skeletons. As to exercise, each prisoner is sometimes allowed to 
walk in a small yard for ten or fifteen minutes, but even this is 
very seldom permitted. All the prisoners are treated alike, 
whether they are political prisoners or not. Whenever a pris- 
oner is taken out of prison he is put in irons and bound with a 
strong rope. No exception is made, even in case of a feeble old 
man or a mere boy. Neither work nor writing material is allowed 
in the cages. If any prisoner is found with a piece of a pencil 



14 

or doing anything with a piece of paper, he is punished. The 
punishment is what is called Shokubatsu, or the punishment of 
food. That is, the food is reduced one-third. The ordinary food 
is scanty, but when it is reduced so much it is simply starvation. 
A prisoner is kept in this condition for one or two weeks. It is 
necessary to give ordinary food a day in a week, as it is utterly 
impossible to continue this punishment a week, without starving 
a prisoner to death. So punishment is carried out in eight days. 
These prisoners are examined in a secret court of trial before 
they are tried in a public tribunal. Here they are threatened 
or deceived under the false promise of mercy, or sometimes tor- 
tured by being ordered to stand in open air during a severe 
winter day when it is raining or snowing. 

Although these things are known to every intelligent man, 
yet there is ho means of reform. If a newspaper takes notice 
of these things it will be immediately suspended or suppressed. 
The Japanese Ministers think that the present prison discipline 
is so perfect that no one ought to be permitted to criticise it. 
But who are these Ministers or officials in the present Cabinet ? 
Okubo and Saigo are dead. Those who have succeeded them 
have no knowledge of statesmanship, but are ignorant and un- 
principled men. Count Ito, with his superficial knowledge of 
European civilization, may have the pretensions of a Prime 
Minister, but we know well that he is not a man of strong will 
— a quality essential to a successful statesman. He will never 
be able to control the Cabinet. He cannot dismiss a single 
prominent Satuma man from the government. 

It may naturally be said that there are many young officials 
who were educated in Europe, and these must advise the gov- 
ernment in a liberal direction and introduce reforms. But my 
experience for the last ten years convinces me that those young 
officials, who are very liberal in Europe, become very conserva- 
tive when they return to their own country. Such young men 
have difficulties almost unknown to European youth. All the 
Japanese young men who come to Europe are the sons of Samu- 
rai, or swordsmen, who have nothing to live upon except the 
industry of their sons. As soon as the students come back to 



15 

their country they have to support their families. Sometimes 
they have to support not only their parents and sisters, but 
also the families of their brothers and sisters. A young man 
has to maintain ten or twenty persons. Where can these young 
men obtain employment ? The government monopolizes nearly 
everything and interferes in every business and profession which 
is not under the control of officials. Thus these young men are, 
to a certain extent, obliged to seek employment under the gov- 
ernment. But if they want to become officials, they must 
change their principles, because the majority of the Japanese 
officials, especially those in influential positions, are very con- 
servative. If these young men advocate liberal principles, they 
will always be looked upon with suspicion. There would then 
be no hope of promotion even if they were not compelled to 
resign. They have to choose whether they will starve or change 
their principles. Considering the hard struggles it requires to 
maintain one principle throughout, I am not at all surprised 
that the young men do change. Therefore they have no healthy 
influence on the government. Only when they can receive sufr 
ficient salaries without favor from the government will they 
speak out their real sentiments. 

Meanwhile the government goes on punishing the nominal 
editors of newspapers, sending them into cruel and unjust im- 
prisonment. They stop all publications which they do not like, 
and every effort that is made to voice the thought and feelings 
of the patriotic citizen is suppressed in its incipiency. And 
besides all this, what, I ask, is the present condition of trade in 
Japan? Merchants are daily ruined by overtaxation. All 
Japanese manufacturers are ruined by the excess of imports from 
England which are brought in almost free of duty. 

The Japanese government has been tampering with the sub- 
ject of the treaty revision for the last sixteen years, and they 
have not yet arrived at any satisfactory arrangement. On the 
contrary, the Cabinet seem just now bent on entering into a most 
disadvantageous treaty. 

In two years after the ratification of the proposed treaty, the 
whole country is to be thrown open to all foreigners. A 



16 

itnajority of the judges in Japanese courts of justice are to be ap^ 
pointed from among Europeans. These European judges are to 
be appointed for a term of fifteen years, and the language used 
in the courts is to be English. For three years after the ratifi- 
cation, exterritoriality will still continue in force. Within 
eighteen months after the ratification, the Japanese government 
pledges itself to promulgate a civil code of mercantile laws. As 
to the tariff or imports, the government is not allowed to put 
upon any article a tax exceeding twenty per cent, ad valorem. 

What advantages are there for the Japanese people in making 
such a treaty as this ? If the public opinion of the Japanese 
people were consulted, it would speak out with one voice against 
such a one-sided treaty. But whenever a newspaper speaks of 
this question, it is always suspended or suppressed. The pres- 
ent Japanese Ministers have not the confidence of the people. 
Whenever they go out of their own houses, they are obliged to 
employ four or five policemen with two-handed swords and 
pistols to protect their persons. Such a government as this, has 
no right to enter into a treaty, doing away with the most impor- 
tant rights of an independent nation, with European powers. 

But after all these humiliating concessions, the Japanese 
Cabinet did not succeed in the negotiation for the revision of the 
treaty. Mr. Inouye, the Minister of Foreign Affairs who had 
been tampering with this subject for ten years, did not resign in 
spite of his failure. Therefore, deputations consisting of 
members of the popular party, were sent from different parts of 
Japan to demalid his resignation. Mr. Inouye resigned in con- 
sequence. 

About this time many deputations were sent to Tokio from 
all parts of Japan. Their object was twofold. First, to ask 
the Cabinet to explain its foreign policy ; and second, to petition 
the government to relieve the poor farmers from oppression of 
a heavy overtaxation. But the Cabinet issued one of its despotic 
edicts on December 27th, 1887, and expelled all the members of 
the deputations from Tokio. Thousands of the policemen 
marched to all parts of the capital, where the members of depu- 
tations were living, and expelled more than four hundred people 



17 

in one day. Those who wanted to know the reason why they 
were expelled were instantly punished with the sentence of im- 
prisonment for two or three years and were cast into a filthy 
Japanese prison, where they are deprived of all comforts. Ka- 
taoka Kenkichi, a prominent Japanese Christian, was one of 
those unfortunate men who were thus thrown into a Japanese 
dungeon. The prison officials refused to admit even the Bible 
to the prison. 

What is the foreign policy of the present Japanese govern- 
ment ? What have they been doing as regards Corea ? They 
induced the Coreans, who were in favor of European civ- 
ilization, to adopt European customs with the connivance 
of the Japanese Ministers. The Chinese government began to 
suspect some secret design of the Japanese government. When 
the former brought in their conservative influences, the two fac- 
tions, the Chinese and Japanese parties in Corea, began to fight. 
The Japanese government interfered at first ; but when the Chi- 
nese influences became powerful, it gave up those who were in 
favor of European or Occidental civilization to the vengeance of 
the other party. During the last troubles in Corea, the conduct 
of the Japanese Ambassador, who had the full confidence of the 
Minister of Foreign Affairs at home, was most curious as well as 
disgraceful. The progressive party tried to overthrow the 
Corean government, in which the Chinese element predominated. 
When the tidings came, the Japanese Ambassador, half dressed, 
hastened to the palace of the Corean King and gave instruction 
to the Japanese soldiers to come there. When he found that the 
Chinese soldiers also came, he surrendered the palace and ran 
away, leaving the King in the hands of the Chinese soldiers. 
When at last he came back to the Japanese legation in Corea, he 
was so nervous that he even refused to give protection to the 
Corean political refugees. After all this disgraceful conduct of 
the Minister, what did the government do ? It found fault with 
the poor Coreans and compelled them to pay a few thousand 
dollars indemnity, although the whole blame lay with the 
Chinese soldiers, who came to the palace and attacked the 
Coreans and Japanese; yet the Japanese government would 



18 

do nothing to redress the wrong, against the Chinese. Thus this 
disgraceful affair was settled with the Chinese government at 
the cost of the Coreans. The government afterward became so 
afraid that they are even now putting into a perpetual imprison- 
ment those Corean exiles who acted under the connivance of the 
Japanese government. So far as the Japanese government is 
concerned, the noble spirit of the old Japanese Samurai is gone 
and the spirit of cowardice and treachery is substituted in its 
place. 

As to the financial policy, there has been most extravagant 
mismanagement. Some years ago the government overissued 
paper currency and it began to be depressed. But all at once, 
the government redeemed the currency, thus causing the most 
disastrous consequences. They also made most useless inter- 
ference with the trade in the interior. The price of rice always 
fluctuates according to the season, and the government has es- 
tablished a certain warehouse where they keep rice. When- 
ever the price rises, the government begins to sell the rice. 
Thus they try to keep it at a certain price instead of leaving it 
to natural fluctuation. 

Besides they carried the overtaxation to such a degree that 
the laud-owners often surrender their property rather than suffer 
the expense of keeping it. The depression of trade is 
such that the best part of the capital, Tokio, is inhabited by 
ruined people. One of the newspapers published the following 
account about the Central district of Tokio and it will be easily 
seen in what fearful state the general trade is at present in Japan. 

" Upon presentation of the tax-collector's little bill the other 
day, it was found that no less than one thousand persons in 
Nihombashi Division alone were insolvent." 

At one time it is ordered that the expenditure shall be econo- 
mized as much as possible. But most unwarrantable waste is 
suddenly allowed, and all sorts of extravagances are committed. 
Take, for instance, the two steamship companies established in 
Japan. The one company was established some years ago, and 
was subsidized by the government. Bat suddenly the government 
caused another company to be established, gave a subsidy, and 



19 

became a large shareholder. Of course both companies at once 
engaged in bitter competition. But the government was aston- 
ished and used all sorts of devices to prevent it. At last it be- 
came clear that the two companies under the protection of the 
government must destroy each other, and they were finally 
amalgamated into one. But all these foolish extravagances re- 
sult in public expense and a public debt. The natural conse- 
quence is overtaxation, and the fearful poverty of the country. 
In many provinces of the empire people are starving, and all 
sorts of cruelties and hardships endured. 

The regular business of the government is very slow. Even 
in such cases as the publication of a scientific work, it takes six 
months or one year before permission is granted to the au- 
thor. If a prisoner waiting for his trial wants to send a letter 
to his friend, it takes one or two weeks to send it to a place a 
few yards outside of the prison. The reason is that the civil 
servants, who are selected by mere official influence, are not only 
incompetent, but are not obliged to attend to their busi- 
ness. The incompetency of the Japanese officials will be easily 
seen in an instance which recently occurred in this country. The 
other day the Japanese government sent a Commissioner of 
Patents to the United States, and when he was asked by an edu- 
cated American about the construction of the Japanese clock, he 
could not answer anything about it. The Commissioner of 
Patents who does not understand the construction of a clock is a 
curious but fair specimen of the civil servants employed by 
the Japanese government. With these civil servants, knowl- 
edge of their duties, and doing their work for the benefit of 
people, are not at all important. They obtained their positions 
by flattering their superiors, so they must keep their positions 
by the same means. Their whole attention is directed to one 
question, namely : who is the influential official? 

It is a well-known fact with these civil servants that their 
private call at the residence of an influential official is far more 
important than their close attention to the business in public 
offices. They are constantly talking about the changes, promo- 
tions of officials, their resignation, etc. Thus, they are quite 
inattentive to their public duties. 



20 

As to enforcing criminal laws, the police use their utmost 
authority, and poor and helpless men and women are punished 
very severely for slight offenses. But they are utterly negli- 
gent as to more serious offenses. About seven years ago it came 
out that a large quantity of counterfeit paper currency had been 
found. It was evident that some one had committed a crime, 
but no criminal has been found to this day. Such crimes should 
of course be investigated with the utmost stringency, yet the 
police authorities, after some inquiry became suddenly lenient 
and mysteriously gave up the investigation. As to the liberty 
of person, there is no such thing as the habeas coryus act, so that 
people can be put into a prison as long as the official pleases,, 
without any public trial. The secret police called Fuzoku Ga- 
kari, or the inspectors of public morality, can enter into any 
house without warrant ; yet they are themselves the most lawless 
of men. While the people are reduced to fearful poverty, the 
Japanese Ministers have been doing everything to promote their 
selfish ends. Some time ago these Ministers made up their 
minds to convert the island of Yezo into their private property 
by paying a merely nominal value for it. This was too much. 
The oppressed people raised their voices against this arbitrary 
measure. At last, conferences, negotiations, and compromises 
were made among the Ministers and officials. It was allowed 
to remain as public property. But still, the larger part of 
the island being owned by these Ministers, it is controlled as if 
it were private property. 

Yet the head of this cowardly government, the President 
of the Privy Council, Count Ito, thinks himself a great statesman. 
He thinks that his policy is formed after the model of Prince 
Bismarck. I very much doubt whether the strong and power- 
ful Iron Chancellor would be proud of such a petty follower as 
Count Ito. It will appear to an ordinary observer that there is 
a gulf between Count Ito and Prince Bismarck, wide indeed as 
that between man and ape. Petty Count Ito and powerful 
Prince Bismarck belong to altogether different species, and it is 
utterly impossible that Count Ito should develop himself into a 
great man. Whatever Count Ito has been able thus far to do 



21 

simply shows the ape imitating the man. It is easy to see the 
tendency of the ruinous course which the present government is 
taking, both in the matter of foreign intercourse and in that of 
internal government. The fate which is in store for Japan is 
no other than that of Egypt or Turkey. Every means of mak- 
ing Japan an independent and honorable nation will be arrested 
and suppressed. Every intelligent man, seeing this, wants to 
point out the danger, but the government uses every means to 
silence the voice of popular opinion. The present Cabinet 
Ministers will try to keep their position in the government at 
any cost. Their numerous police, spies, and harsh regulations 
are intended to suppress the liberty of press and speech, and 
several apparently useless officials are maintained solely for the 
purpose of keeping their position against public opinion, regard- 
less of the injuries to their country. Now public opinion is 
such that ninety-nine out of every hundred, if freed from 
government intimidation, will vote for a change of the present 
ministry. 

What we demand of the present government is simply 
this : — 

First, the establishment of a National Assembly, making the 
present government a constitutional monarchy, with responsible 
ministries. 

Secondly, the abolition of the censorship of the press and 
the regulation of the newspapers. 

Thirdly, the abolition of the regulations for holding public 
meetings. 

Fourthly, the revision of the treaty between Japan and 
Europe. 

Whatever the present Cabinet may do to keep its position, it 
must submit to the will of the Japanese nation. For every 
patriotic Japanese who desires to regenerate the nation must 
first aim to overthrow the present Japanese Cabinet, as it is 
scarcely possible to do one without doing the other. And I 
think every Japanese is justified in using every legitimate 
means to overthrow the government which utterly forfeits the 
confidence of the nation. Already the government is tottering 



22 

under the influence of the voice of the people. Its days are 
numbered, and it will be overthrown by the popular party. A 
new Cabinet will be formed instead of the present despotic 
government. If the American government should actually 
sympathize with the present Cabinet, an anti-foreign reaction is 
sure to take place in Japan. The people will begin to look 
upon Americans, not as their friends, but as friends of a despot- 
ism which is trying to suppress freedom of press and speech 
and is daily sending the noblest sons of the nation to imprison- 
ment and death. 



THE 



Political Condition 



OF 



JAPAN: 



SHOWING THE DESPOTISM AND INCOMPETENCY OF THE CABINET 
AND THE AIMS OF THE POPULAR PARTIES. 



BY 

TATUI BABA. 



Tanomu tokoro -wa tenka no yoron, 
NlezastLU kataki wa bogiyaku seifu. 



PHILADELPHIA, 

1888. 










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